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GREAT SPEECH 

OF THE 

HON. GEOKG-E i\l. DALLAS, 

UPON THE LEADING TOPICS OF THE DAY, 
DELIVERED AT PITTSBURGH, PA., 




WITH 



A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH, 



Arc, &c. 




PHILADELPHIA: 

times and keystone job office, no. 32 south third street. 
November, 1847. 




GREAT SPEECH 



HON. GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS. 



UPON THE LEADING TOPICS OF THE DAY, 



DELIVERED AT PITTSBURGH, PA., 



WITH 



A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH, 



&c, &c. 



PHILADELPHIA: J 

TIMES AND KEYSTONE JOB OFFICE, NO. 32 SOUTH THIRD STREET. 

1847. 






\^ 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 



Gkorge Mifflin Dallas was born in the City of Philadelphia, on 
the 10th of July, 1792; is now nearly 56 years of age; has never re- 
sided out of Philadelphia, except when abroad in a public capacity ; 
married in 1816, and has seven children and three grand-children. I [ii 

only son is a practitioner at the Bar. 

His father, Alexander James Dallas, was the distinguished Secretary 
of the Treasury of the United States, under President Madison. He 
derived the name of Mifflin from his godfather, Governor Thomas Mililin, 
so conspicuous in the Revolutionary war, and so long pre-eminently popu- 
lar with the Democracy of Pennsylvania. 

He was educated at a school in Germantown kept by Mr. Ely, at 
another by Mr. Hobson, at another by Mr. Andrews a Greek and Latin 
scholar, at the Friends' School in Fourth street, at the University of 
Pennsylvania, and finally, after more than three years of study, he gra- 
duated with the highest honors at Princeton College in 1S10. He pre- 
pared himself for the Bar in the office of his father, the late Alexander 
James Dallas, and was admitted to its practice in May, 1813, just after 
entering a volunteer company, and before he left the United States as 
Private Secretary to Albert Gallatin, on the mission which closed with 
the treaty of Ghent. 

He made his first appearance as an active Democratic politician in the 
year 1815, siding enthusiastically with the Jefferson and Madison school 
ardently vindicating the war and its advocates, and unsparingly con- 
demning the Hartford Convention and factious Federalism. He fear- 
lessly encountered, as a prompt speaker and writer, the speeches, letters, 
and resolutions, which the leading Federalists in almost every county of 
the State were then pouring out against "Jim Madison and his J Car," 
and which they continued to pour out, until a rectified and indignant popu- 
lar opinion silenced them. He was remarkable in his political exertions, 
for invariably addressing himself to the Democrats of the interior of Penn- 
sylvania, seeming to regardthe city as incurably hostile to his principles. 
, He was the champion of William Findlay, at his election for Governor, 



(4) 

in 1817, and stood by him unflinchingly when assailed by faction in 
the Legislature ; he volunteered as his Counsel before the celebrated Com- 
mittee of Inquiry, by whose eloquent and unanswerable report, that true 
and sterling Democrat was triumphantly acquitted. [It will be remember- 
ed that our present excellent Chief Magistrate, Francis R. Shunk, mar- 
ried a daughter of Governor Findlay.] 

On the failure to re-elect Governor Findlay in 1820, Mr. Dallas in- 
stantly resigned the public office he held as Deputy Prosecuting Attorney, 
and divided his time between his profession and the preparations of the 
Democracy to regain their ascendency. At the Convention held in Har- 
risburg in the spring of 1823, as a Delegate from the city, he was author- 
ized to withdraw, and did withdraw, the name of his friend, Samuel D. 
Ingham, from the canvass — co-operating zealously to produce entire 
harmony in the ranks of his party, by the nomination of John Andrew 
Shultz, who was subsequently elected by a majority exceeding twenty- 
five thousand. At this election, the Federal candidate was fiercely sus- 
tained by all the opponents of the war of 1812. 

National politics were now becoming interesting. Mr. Dallas was an 
admirer of the distinguished author of the war of 1812, John C.Calhoun, 
and only yielded this preference to the suddenly started, but irresistible 
claims of Andrew Jackson, for the Presidency. At a celebrated and 
overflowing town meeting, held for the City and County of Philadelphia, 
at which a Republican patriot presided, he secured the unanimity of the 
Democratic Party of Pennsylvania, by " striking the flag" of the emi- 
nent Statesman of South Carolina for the first office, and impressively 
nominating him for the Vice Presidency, and by hoisting the banner of 
the Hero of New Orleans ; this remarkable movement, done with the 
knowledge and assent of Mr. Calhoun, was hailed throughout the State 
and Union with acclamation. 

Mr. Dallas instantly took ground, in 1824, against the coalition of 
Adams and Clay, by which the proper choice of Jackson was defeated, 
and though indefatigably engaged in the labors of his profession, his ef- 
forts were unremitted to prepare the way for the great victory achiev- 
ed in 1828; that victory even for a time, swept Federalism from the 
Corporation of Philadelphia, and, bearing Mr. Dallas on its surge, 
elected him Mayor of the City — in this post, however, he remained but 
about six months, receiving from General Jackson soon after his inaugu- 
ration, the commission of United States District Attorney. 

In December, 1831, Mr. Dallas was chosen by the Legislature to fill 
the seat made vacant by the death of Isaac D. Barnard, in the Senate of 
the United States ; and at the expiration of his term, in the spring of 



(5) 

1S33, ho peremptorily declined re-election, on the single ground that, 
being without hereditary or other fortune, his domestic duties forbade nil 
exclusive devotion to those of a public nature. < rovi raor Wolf, who had 
succeeded Governor Shultz in the executive chair of Pennsylvania, im- 
mediately offered him the appointment of Attorney < lencral, and this, 
being- perfectly consistent with his private pursuits, he accepted, and re- 
tained until the election of Joseph Ritner, when he resigned it. 

In 1837 President Van Burcn tendered to him, unexpectedly, the Mis- 
sion to Russia, whither he went, and where he remained until laic in the 
fall of 1839. He returned again vigorously to the practice of the law, 
and, declining the post of Attorney General of the United States, prof- 
fered to him on the lamented death of Felix Grundy, he would have re- 
mained in the industrious pursuit of personal and domestic independence, 
though never neglectful of the interests and honor of the ureal political 
family to which he always belonged, had he not been summoned, by tlie 
nomination of the Baltimore Convention and by the election of the people, 
in 1844, to fill the post he now occupies of Vice President. 

His course of action as President of the Senate is well known to the 
American people. His opinions, as a statesman and politician, have been 
frankly declared on all proper occasions, He has harmonized with the 
administration of James K. Polk to the full extent of all its great mea- 
sures of Democratic policy — the Tariff', the Constitutional Treasury, the 
War — but he remained unchanged in favor of asserting our right to the 
whole of Oregon as clear and unquestionable. As for the Tariff of 1846, 
so was he ready to make effective the will of the people by giving, if 
necessary, the casting vote for 54 40, for the War, and for the Constitu- 
tional Treasury. 



1* 



/ 



GREAT SPEECH 

OF THE 

HON. GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS, 

UPON THE LEADING TOPICS OF THE DAY, 
Delivered in Pittsburgh, Sept. 18, 1847. 



Fellow-Citizens : 

I had hoped that I might be excused, on the occasion of my 
present tour into the western part of my native Stale, from making any 
public speeches whatever. For upwards of forty years, my sentiments, 
arid sympathies, and political acts have been with the Democracy of 
Pennsylvania, in all their trials, their difficulties; and their successes. My 
sentiments upon all the important questions which claimed their attention, 
have therefore become known to all who are conversant with the politics 
of our State and our country. I am, however, called upon to speak to 
you upon important subjects now claiming the attention of the country ; 
and do not feel that I have a right to refuse. I might truly urge as an 
excuse for not making any public addresses, the fact, that this tour has 
been undertaken, solely and exclusively with a view to pay a family 
visit; but, having come into your vicinity, and the citizens of Pittsburgh 
having kindly extended to me an invitation to visit their city, to partake 
of their generous hospitality, and witness the state of circumstances sur- 
rounding them, I with pleasure comply with the present call upon me. 

I have understood that the corporate seal of the city of Pittsburgh is 
made up of the coat of arms of the celebrated Earl of Chatham, who 
has been known as the most distinguished and ardent friend of the Ameri- 
can cause, in the time of our first struggle for independence. But there 
has been suggested to my mind, on coming to your city, what I conceive 
to be a more appropriate coat of arms than that — derived from the pur- 
suits, the character for industry, and the business habits of the people, 
together with the gr^at sources of their wealth, and continued prosperity. 
When distant as much as twelve miles from your city, I could distinguish 
a dark and almost fixed cloud of coal smoke. I have since heard that 



(8) 

many of you are much interested in efforts to overcome this dark cloud 
resting over your otherwise beautiful city ; and that your government 
have been considering- the propriety of adopting some plan, in order to 
effect this object. I have heard this ; and I have seriously thought, 
whether it would be proper to adopt such a plan. In this immense 
volume of coal smoke, rising, as it were, to heaven, and striking the view 
of the beholder at so great a distance, what is indicated ? What does it 
mean? It at once informs the mind of the rising prosperity, and wealth, 
and importance of the " Iron City," and indicates the two great sources 
whence that wealth and importance are derived. It points, also, to the 
most appropriate things which may be woven into a new coat of arms for 
your city. These great sources of wealth are coal and iron. In the 
formation of a new coat of arms, suppose you were to adopt for its sup- 
porters two columns of smoke. Let its crest also be a cloud of coal 
smoke; and the base on which to rest the columns may be of coal and 
iron ore — the latter in the process of being smelted, and the supporters 
and the crest of your coat of arms would thus be truly indicated, and 
would most aptly represent the causes of all this life, and activity, and 
business; of this wonderful perfection in the mechanic arts; of the beauty 
and excellence of your fabrics; and of the scene of prosperity, unex- 
celled in this western world. This mighty volume ought not to be de- 
stroyed. It ought still to remain opened before you, to remind your citi- 
zens, and all who may visit you, of the sources of your greatness; and 
the extent to which you are prepared to go, in order to maintain your ex- 
alted position. 

I am pleased to see, here, all the evidences of highly civilized life — 
comfort, intelligence, and the greatest degree of perfection in all the me- 
chanic arts; with edifices that would do honor to any city in the country. 
The "-feat city of Philadelphia, the commercial emporium of the State, 
does not boast so truly grand a structure as this, for the purposes for 
which it was appropriated; and in addition to this, there were manufac- 
turing establishments second to few in the country; and numerous pri- 
vate residences, embracing all the essential requisites of convenience, 
elegance* taste, and beauty. I cannot but be delighted at all these evi- 
dences of prosperity : and am truly rejoiced to find none of the evidences 
of that ruin which had by many been so confidently predicted; but 
every thing to excite in the mind sentiments of pleasure and admiration. 

But there are many topics upon which you are no doubt anxious to 
hear some remarks. I have no secrets to keep from the American peo- 
ple, in relation to any subject claiming their attention. Holding a promi- 
nent station in the government, it is of course expected of me that I will 



(9) 

state frankly my views, on all subjects which their servants may be called 
upon to act ; and I do this cheerfully, without regard to whether they 
shall be generally accepted by those who hear me, or not. They are the 
honest convictions of my own mind. If they shall square with the sen- 
timents of chose who hear me, I will be pleased : if not, we must con- 
tinue to disagree; and I impeach not the honesty of purpose of those 
who differ in opinion from the great Democratic party, with which I act. 

I have heretofore given expression to my sentiments upon the Bubject 
of the great change that has taken place in our revenue laws, known as 
the Tariff. On this subject one may speak without limit; and to present 
my views on this point, would only be to repeat what has already been 
said. There is one idea, however, that may be advanced, which has not, 
perhaps, been presented as often as it should have been. Many persons 
suppose that the late Tariff act is not calculated to effect that good which 
would have resulted from that of 1842. The Tariff of 1846 differs, it 
is true, from that of 1842, but in what ? By a reduction of the rate of 
duties on some articles; a change in others, fixing &a them a higher rate; I 
an abandonment of the system of specific duties; and also that of mini- 
mum duties. It also provides for a different mode of collecting the duties 
on imports. Here, then, js the difference between the two laws. There 
is a change. This nobody will deny. But it is still a Tariff, and thus 
gives a denial to the pretensions which have been set up by some, that 
the Tariff of 1846 is a free trade law. Every duty imposed upon arti- 
cles of importation, is in contravention of the laws of free trade, and goes 
to protect the manufacturer of similar articles in our country, and, so far 
as it goes, is a direct tax upon the consumer of that article, for the benefit 
of the producer. So long, therefore, as the people of the country shall 
prefer to support" their government by a resort to taxes upon imported 
articles, in preference to a direct tax, they go to sustain their own manu- 
factures, to the exact extent of the amount of duties collected, whethei 
that amount shall be thirty-six millions of dollars or only thirty millions 
of dollars. This Tariff is not one according with any just idea of free 
trade; but is positively, to the extent of the duties accruing under it, a re- 
striction upon commerce. 

In this State, of all others in the Union, the subject of excises, or inter- 
nal duties imposed upon merchandise, had claimed, perhaps, the greatest 
share of the attention of the people: for the citizens of Pennsylvania had 
probably most deeply felt the effects of such a system. The matter had 
been first brought to their more direct consideration, as long since as 
1794, when an excise was laid upon whiskey. The result of the law 
imposing this tax is well known. The tendency of such laws had been 



( io) 

most fully and fearlessly presenter] to the minds of the people, and the 
subject was thoroughly understood by them. They had been appealed to 
by every consideration connected with the interests of the country, to 
support that system ; and they had listened attentively to these appeals. 
But the interests of the State were deemed of too great moment to be 
quietly relinquished; and they were contended for until the evil was over- 
come. To some extent, the appeal thus made was wrong. The people 
believed, and they still continue to believe, that the more constitutional 
aim the least obnoxious mode of providing for the wants of the general 
government is, not by internal excises, but by duties laid upon foreign 
goods. So long as this shall continue to be the policy favored by the 
people, commerce must continue to be restricted, to some extent; and the 
assertion, that our government, is a government of free trade, is therefore 
emphatically denied, by the very laws wmich are framed for its continu- 
ance. And, so long as this system shall be continued, commerce must of 
necessity be restricted, to the extent of the duties imposed on foreign goods 
for the support of the government. By means of this system our manu- 
factures will continue to enjoy protection to the amount of every cent of 
the revenue from foreign goods, which compete with those of our manu- 
facture, whether that amount shall be large or small. I have thought it 
not amiss to make these few remarks upon this topic — though an apology 
for having dwelt so long upon it is perhaps due to you, from the free and 
full discussions which you undoubtedly have often heard and participated 
i i ; and I therefore pass to another subject, confident that your own com- 
mons-sense views of the correctness of the present policy, will lead to its 
approval. 

Much is said, of late, in relation to the manner of conducting the pre- 
sent war with Mexico. The subject is one which rightfully claims the at- 
tention of our whole country. We are at war with a Sister Republic, with 
a Christian People, whose faith, from its antiquity alone, is entitled to our 
deference and respect. However we may differ in relation to the ques- 
tion of the war itself, every good citizen must desire that it should be 
brought to a cl ise as speedily as possible, compatible with the honor and 
the interests of our country, and the rights of her citizens. But, while re- 
marks are made, condemning the manner in which the war has been 
brought about, and thus far conducted, it would seem, that the whole sub- 
ject has not received that attention which its importance demanded. It 
would be well, at least, to know and ponder well upon all the causes 
which led to it, and all the results which have thus far followed it, before 
;~ ntence of condemnation is pronounced. And wdiat were the causes 
which led to this war? Some contend that the annexation of Texas was 



(11 ) 

the immediate cause of the war ; while others think that this was but a 
remote cause. The true causes are numerous, but the principal ones may- 
be briefly enumerated. They were an unjustifiable capture of property 
of American citizens, withholding- from them their just dues, violating 
their rights without even an offer of redress ; insults almost innumerable 
upon the flag of our country; and a direct trespass upon our soil, and 
slaughter of our countrymen, Texas had been annexed to our Union. 
She had been a sovereign and independent nation. On entering our 
confederacy we were bound to protect her. When, therefore, her soil 
was threatened with invasion, our government sought to find the most 
effectual means by which to overcome the meditated evil. The brave, 
magnanimous, patriotic, and long-tried soldier, old Zachary Taylor, 
was directed to take such a position in the Territory of Texas, as would 
best enable him to protect her citizens. Occupying a position upon the 
river Neuces, he soon ascertained that another position was more desira- 
ble, in order to effect the object. He therefore at once suggested and re- 
commended to the Executive the occupation of a post on the Rio Grande. 
This admirable and sagacious recommendation, was at once complied 
with; and he took a position in accordance with his own views of the 
work entrusted to him: and upon whom could the administration have 
more implicitly relied, in a similar emergency, than upon this old and 
tried patriot and soldier? This was his first movement. And none have 
forgotten the ever memorable 8th and 9ih of May, 1846, when he was 
the hero of two battles, equalling, in their leading features, the most bril- 
liant achievements of the Revolutionary War. 

No one then doubted that the position of Gen. Taylor was within the 
limits of Texas; and while upon the Neuces, no one accused the govern- 
ment of the United States with the design of making war upon Mexico. 
But subsequent developments proved that the advance of Gen. I'aylor 
upon the Rio Grande, was not only proper, but actually called for, by 
every honorable and politic consideration. After these two great battles, 
when some property of the Mexican General. Arista, was examined, it 
was found that he was in the possession of positive orders from his oovern- 
ment, to make war upon the people of the United States; and his conduct 
for some time previous to those battles, proved that he was engaged in 
carrying into effect the orders of his government. This single fact, affords 
a sufficient answer to all those who charge upon the present administra- 
tion the act of beginning this Avar. And how has the war been conducted ? 
Just as all our wars have been conducted heretofore; and as they always 
should be — relying upon the volunteers of our country — those who feel 
that their interests are at stake — for the defence of the country. 



( 12) 

So long as our fellow-citizens shall sanction our present policy, all our 
Avars must be conducted in a similar manner. We never can be, avc 
never ought to he, prepared for Avar. Our people Avant neither large 
armies nor fleets, except when their rights as a people are assailed, their 
soil invaded, or their countrymen slaughtered by a foreign foe ! and in all 
cases of sudden invasion, the constitution has Avisely vested in the Chief 
Magistrate the poAver to prevent aggression, and even to assert our 
rights. Let us see, then, how this Avar has been conducted. With all the 
difficulties incident to campaigns in an unsettled and hostile country, Avith 
but a handful of regular soldiers, and the preparations to be made for 
equipping and supporting, and qualifying for service a large volunteer 
force, Ave have in less than eighteen months advanced to the capital of 
Mexico : Ave have taken several of her most important cities ; Ave have 
conquered nearly two-thirds of her territory. 

The manner in Avhich the Avar has been conducted, is only fairly to be 
judged by the results Avhich have taken place since its commencement 
and which may yet take place; and therefore what ever may be said re- 
specting mistakes that have been made, let us look at the results, and we 
Avill find that all those Avho have been most immediately connected Avith 
it, are entitled to the highest applause; and justice cannot be fairly meeted 
out until it shall be brought to a close, and all the circumstances sur- 
rounding the principal actors shall be made known: and, that it should be 
brought to a termination, is my ardent desire. What more can we desire? 
We have repelled invasion ; Ave have achieved victory after victory ; the 
laurels have all been gathered, they have been all gathered by our brave 
countrymen; but the gleanings of the crop now remain; all else is ours, 
and our country's forever! I Avould, therefore, again say, let us have 
peace. The majesty of justice — our national honor — the rights of our 
citizens have been vindicated ; let us, then, have peace. But how shall 
this peace be secured? Is there a man in the country who is willing to 
inflict upon the people of Mexico more of suffering than they have already 
endured? I do not believe there is one. Our only wish is, to obtain from 
them a guaranty that Ave Avill not be insulted hereafter, and that our 
rights shall be respected. But Ave must have security against the repe- 
tition of injuries upon us. And to Avhom must Ave look — to whom do Ave 
look for this security? We look to the government of Mexico alone. 
We ask only their OAvn solemn pledge that we shall not hereafter be 
wronged Avith impunity. 

How, then, has this Avar been conducted ? At every step of its pro- 
gress, Ave have informed the government of Mexico that we were Avilling 
and anxious for peace ; for the acknowledgment of Avrong on her part, 



( 13) 

and a promise to wrong us no more. Even at the gates of her capital, 
our General in command yields to the impulse of peace. When he miMit 
have entered as a conqueror, with banners waving and drums beating 
amid the loud howls of the " clogs of war," he halts, and in the spirit of 
a negotiator, tells the foe " toe wish for peace — will you cease to inflict 
injury upon us ? We merely wish you to deal justly towards us, and 
then we can be friends, then you will find us more ready to defend your 
altars and firesides, than we have ever been to inflict punishment and 
suffering upon you." It is to be hoped that there will now be peace ; 
and that the result will prove beneficial to the interest, and accord with 
the highest sense of honor, of the Mexican nation. There are surely 
none who wish even for peace, at the sacrifice of the highest interests 
and the honor of the United States. This is my belief, and I hope that 
such will not be the end of the Mexican war. 

There is another question before the people, of great moment, and 
which excites a great deal of attention, that is intimately connected with 
this war. If, upon the conclusion of a treaty with Mexico, we should 
come into possession of one-half or two-thirds of her territory — what are 
we to do with it ? This is a question of difficult solution. Of one thin"- 
we are quite certain— the Yankees will in time overrun that portion of 
their territory ; and though there is much Mexican blood upon it, we may 
look to the period as not more remote than a single life-time, when a 
number of large States, stretching from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific 
ocean, will be distinguished in the constellation of our Union. The 
question to which I refer, anticipates the acquisition of this territory. It 
is known as the Wilmot proviso. And what is the meaning of this ques- 
tion ? A portion of the people of the United States, have their hearts set 
against the extension of slavery ; and there are scarcely any means which 
some do not deem justifiable, in order to accomplish their purpose. With 
a large number, this subject is no doubt a matter of conscience and of 
principle ; and they assume that a certain portion of territory is to be de- 
rived from Mexico, as an indemnity for the wrongs done to us, and our 
expenses in the war. These people say, that if we take this territory, 
there should be no slavery tolerated within it. To this, another portion 
of the country object. They say that if we acquire this territory, it will 
come through the toil and blood of the country in common — that of the 
North and South ; and we are not disposed to say that this territory dull 
be appropriated exclusively to the people in the North. 

This is one of those difficulties which have surrounded us from the 
organization of our government; and it can only be properly settled in 
accordance with the Constitution of our country. Shall we be deprived 

2 



( w) 

of the opportunity of gaming this territory I What shall we do with the 
Wilmof Proviso ! For me, I hold myself in readiness for the crisis, 
whenever it shall he presented — even should I be compelled, from my po- 
sition, to give another terrible casting vole! I shall carefully examine 
the subject, weigh well the able arguments on both sides of the question, 
which may be presented by the giant intellects of our country, and re- 
serve to myself the right to do as I think right, when the time may come 
for action. 

There is but one political course which a man can take, in safety to his 
conscience — that course is a strict adherence to the Constitution. That 
is the charter by which to determine our powers. That is the compass by 
which alone we can safely steer our political barque. If you can ac- 
complish the abolition of slavery in the Southern States through its in- 
strumentality, why do so. Bu'. I hope there are none who would do so 
at the hazard of our Union, liberty and independence. The only true 
test, however, to which we can submit this question, or any other that 
may arise, is the Constitution. Bat it is unfortunately the pase, with 
many of those who seem most interested in the question of abolishing 
slavery, that they are not much governed by such a principle as this. 
There is a something above our Constitution, above our laws, above our 
world itself, that is invoked. These persons should remember, that there 
is a means by which to accomplish their ends, if they be right, much 
more safe and sure, than that of destroying the only safeguard which they 
have for their own liberty. If they be indeed sincere in their designs, 
let them toil on until they shall be able to effect such a change in the 
Constitution itself as they desire : but, while that instrument positively 
prohibits any interference by one State with the institutions of another, I 
could hope that State pride alone, if there were no more liberal and gene- 
ral principle, would forbid the people of Pennsylvania to interfere with 
the peculiar affairs of her sister States, as readily as she would resent even 
the appearance oi meddling by another State, with affairs especially her 
own. 

But we hear, in some quarters, much talk of what is called compro- 
mise. I am of that old school of Democrats who will never compromise 
the Constitution of my country. This is one of the words not to be found 
in that instrument. It was itself a result of compromise; but, once hav- 
ing become a thing of shape, of life, of spirit, than all compromise was 
at an end. It was a settled principle, a positive rule — a thing which 
might be broken ; but having no materials in it which were capable of 
being bent. In it are to be found all the provisions for our government ; 
and if you wish for other provisions, you cannot put them there — all the 



( 15) 

legislation of Congress cannot put them there— unless in accordance with 
its provisions. At the time of the admission of Missouri into the Union, 
I found the same sentiment very generally prevailing in some sections. I 
had the same opinions then on this subject that I have now; and in the 
midst of the agitation then manifest, there were many who could not see 
where the agitation would end. Then men got together and talked of 
compromises, and made compromises, and one-half insisted on what they 
had no right to ask, and the other half submitted to that which they 
never should have submitted to. Any such system as this is calculated 
gradually to undermine the Constitution. Far better would be an instan- 
taneous change in its provisions, by Convention, than any compromise 
whatever inconsistent with that instrument itself. 

The officers of the general government are awake to the importance of 
this subject; and there is no doubt that there will be much agitation in 
both Houses of Congress upon it. In the Senate, I have no doubt it will 
be examined in all its bearings : and [ sincerely hope that something will 
be found to arise from it, calculated to place our institutions upon a still 
more firm and enduring basis than they even now are. The very best 
thing which can be done, when all is said upon the subject that may be 
said, will be to let it alone entirely — leaving to the people of the territory 
to be acquired, the business of settling the matter for themselves: for 
where slavery has no existence, all the legislation of Congress would be 
powerless to give it existence : and where we find it to exist the people 
of the country have themselves adopted the institution; they have the right, 
alone, to determine their own institutions ; and, as the matter so exists 
elsewhere, they are not to be condemned for its existence. 

There is one other subject, upon which I will say a few words. A 
great convention recently assembled at Chicago composed to some extent 
of gentlemen from ail parts of the country, of both the leading political 
parties. \\ hat led to this meeting, it seems, was a desire to see whether 
something could not be done to change the face of a measure, which* has 
been vetoed by the Executive — the bill providing for the improvement of 
Rivers and Harbors. Upon this subject, the people of the United States 
should think much and act resolutely. Our first inquiry should be, Does 
the Constitution authorize Congress to improve the navigation of Western 
Rivers? Respecting improvements calculated to facilitate commercial 
operations, a great difficulty has been to find what Congress might do. 
The subject is one of extreme interest and importance ; and is likely to 
claim much of our attention hereafter. It has arisen under that provision 
of the Constitution which gives to Congress the power to regulate com- 
merce with foreign nations in the United States, and also between the 



(16) 

several states themselves; and it is claimed, with great force, that under 
i his provision, the right to appropriate money for the improvement of 
rivers and harbors, is unconstitutional. It is, however, certain, that the 
American people are destined to (ill the vast country West of the Atlan. 
tic; and that, where they go, their industry, and energy,and wealth, will 
mark out roads for commerce, which will require the attention of the 
government. And, if there is no constitutional inhibition, why should 
not the West partake of the means of improvement which she so materi- 
ally aids in furnishing? Why should the Eastern States grudge to the 
Sons of the West a portion of those means? Why virtually say to them, 
You may look at our light-houses, our piers, our buoys, and our brcak- 
wateis; but we will not allow your rivers to be cleared — the beacon light 
may shine forth, to warn our sailors of rocks and shoals ; but your steam- 
boats may be sunk by snags and sawyers — we care not ! We have had 
what we wanted, what we needed, for the protection of our commerce — 
take care of yourselves. Such distinctions as would prompt to this course, 
are unworthy, and would never be made by a generous mind. If the con- 
stitution speaks of equality among the States and the people of the States, 
nnd the government encourages, as it has done, improvements of the East, 
let us wisely appropriate the public money for the benefit of all- 
Here an objection is raised. We will be constantly liable, some say, 
to have the most gross imputations practised upon us. We will be 
obliged to improve every little creek in the West. There is no necessity 
for yielding to attempts at imposition, if they should be made. You never 
do so ; for you examine critically what is the character of the proposed 
improvement. Therefore, you need not refuse all, because men will try 
to impose upon you. This would be like determining to be blind, be- 
cause you may be misled ; and ignorant, because you may be misinform- 
ed. Let us adopt a course in relation to these rivers and harbors, com- 
patible with the Constitution; and such as has been enjoyed by a portion 
of the country since the formation of the government, 

I hope to be pardoned for having dwelt so long upon these topics; but 
as I have very seldom enjoyed an opportunity of addressing my tellow- 
eitizens of Pittsburg, and may never again enjoy that privilege, I have 
thought it proper to give you some general views upon these leading 
questions. There are some others occasionally referred to ; but they may, 
many of them, be now considered, as a distinguished statesman has term- 
ed them, "obsolete ideas." Among the foremost of these is a Bank of 
the United Slates, which has intellectually descended to the " tomb of the 
Capulets." It is not now necessary to conjure up its ghost; as there is 
hardly a man in the country, who would bo willing to sink himself be- 



( 17 ) 

neath the weight of sueh an undefined mass. The same may be said of 
a Protective Tariff, by which I mean a Tariff strictly with reference to 
protection. No statesman will propose either of these measures now. 

There are some things which are fixed and unchangeable. Among 
these may be mentioned the freedom of the Press — freedom to circulate 
whatever is deemed of interest to the people, concerning either themselves 
directly, or their servants. This subject was fixed by the occurrences of 
1798; and on all topics of a public nature it will remain as a rule abso- 
lute. Freedom of conscience, or the right to worship at any shrine the 
believer may cherish, is also one of our fixed principles. Freedom of 
personal opinion and action, is also an unchangeable rule in our country, 
while not incompatible with the laws. So likewise remains that glorious 

structure of the ancestors of the American People — the Union a fixed 

and unchanged, and unchangeable fact, which nothing earthly can over- 
come. Can you look forward and contemplate the enduring character of 
your country? Can you believe that this last hope of all men will not 
ever remain? Stand by your glorious institutions. Cherish them as 
the brightest trophies achieved from the enemies of your principles ; and 
nothing can equal the futurity which the American People, the American 
Union, and the American States will realize. 

Mr. Dallas was frequently interrupted, during the delivery of this ad- 
dress, by deafening rounds of applause, and sat down amid three hearty 
rounds, such as the Democracy know how to give. 



»~^*s/W"s 



Extract from a speech delivered by George Mifflin Dallas, on the 
invitation of the Democratic citizens of the City and County of 
Philadelphia, on the 4th of July, 1815, nearly 33 years ago. 

OUR BATTLES WITH THE ENGLISH. 

"Turning our contemplation, fellow-citizens, to the dispositions and 
movements of our armies, we still have abundant reasons for pride and 
exultation. What if, at the onset, the buoyant impetuositv and rash in- 
dignation of our troops threatened irretrievable defeat and apparent dis- 
grace ? What, if the hacknied regulars, disciplined by time and callous 
from experience, baffled the immethodical, though lively and spirited at- 
tacks of a patriotic militia? The time speedily arrived when our ears 
becoming familiarized to ' the clamorous report of war,' our habits ac- 

2* 



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that we t*",f/AMt¥^x. 

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s , - :axk43 f aad itiec Dodo- 



(20) 

crat, Hon. George M. Dallas, as the Democratic candidate for the 
Presidency in 1 848," the following resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That in the personal and political character of Vice Presi- 
dent George Mifflin Dallas we recognize an embodiment and exem- 
plification of the cardinal principles of Democracy; and that his sterling 
integrity, uniform fidelity to high trusts reposed in him, and his fearless 
defence of Democratic principles, entitle him to the consideration of the 
American people as a favorite son worthy the highest office in the gift of 
the people. 

Resolved, That his bold and manly advocacy of the rights of the la- 
boring classes, the prosperity of the agricultural interests of the country, 
and the freedom of commerce, centred in the " casting vote" place him 
in a pre-eminent degree in the affections of the people, as one of the 
greatest benefactors and purest patriots of the age. 

Resolved, That we do now form a political organization, to be called 
" Ths Dallas Executive Committee," for the purpose of carrying out the 
expressed wish of the Democracy of Camden, in the nomination and 
support of George Mifflin Dallas, of Pennsylvania, for the Presi- 
dency in 1848. 

Resolved, That in thus expressing a preference for that distinguished 
citizen, we mean no disrespect to any other candidate who has been, or 
may be, named for that high and responsible office. 

Resolved, That we call upon the Democracy of New Jersey, who are 
favorable to the nomination of George M. Dallas for the Presidency in 
1848, to hold similar meetings in their respective counties, and to form 
" Dallas Executive Committees" to carry out more effectually their views 
and desires. 

Resolved, That we are in favor of a Democratic National Convention 
to nominate a suitable candidate for the office of President and Vice Pres- 
ident in 1848, and we recommend the fourth Monday in May next and 
Baltimore as the time and place of holding such Convention. 

Delaware County, Pennsylvania. 

At a meeting of the Democracy of Delaware county, Pa., held at Lei- 
perville, on the 11th of November, 1847, the following preamble and 
resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, The Democracy of Pennsylvania cannot lay aside state pride 
and geographical boundaries, and forget their native slate, and her just 
claims, if ever to be entitled to consideration in the selection of a candidate 
for the high and responsible office of President of the United Sta.es, they 
feel called upon by every consideration of justice and patriotism, to stand 
upon the broad principles of the Constitution, as well as their natural and 
reserved rights, and declare their preference for the man whose whole 
life is the certificate of his Democracy, and a practical illustration of the 
great and leading principles of our republican institutions ; and one who 
has given unequivocal evidence of his statesmanship, his honesty, and 
his devoted attachment to the great mass of the American people : there- 
fore, 

Resolved, That in view of these considerations, we respectfully present 



(21 ) 

i 

the name of George M. Dallas as our candidate for the next Presidency ; 
an unwavering- Democrat, firm and steadfast, and aneminenl statesman of 
distinguished talents, the friend of equal privileges ; his casting rote, giv- 
ing to the producers of the Union, the equitable revenue law of 1846, nan 
won for him an imperishable reputation, as an honest recipient of powei 
and a republican statesman. 

Resolved, That we recommend to our Democratic fellow-citizens 
throughout the State, to form similar .Associations in the several counties, 
and use all honorable means to secure the nomination of Pennsylvania's 
favorite son, the American statesman, George M. Dallas, as the candidate 
fur the next President of the United States. 

Northern Liberties, Philadelphia Comity, Pa. 

At a meeting of the Democracy of the Northern Liberties, held on the 
24th of November, 1847, the following preamble and resolutions were 
adopted : 

Whereas, The time is fast approaching when the freemen of this Union 
— a Republic now numbering over twenty millions of inhabitants — will 
be called upon to cast their votes for the important offices of President 
and Vice President of this vast and increasing Republic, for the ensuing 
Presidential term of four years; and whereas, we hold it essentially im- 
portant to the cause of civil and religious liberty, that honest, competent, 
original, and long-tried friends and advocates of sound Democratic princi- 
ples, should be selected for our principal agents, and more especially for 
the highly responsible office of Chief Magistrate of the Union ; and where- 
as, it is the duty, as well as the privilege, of every freeman entitled to the 
right of suffrage to exercise the high prerogative of a freeman in reality — 
in other words, to be his own representative, in pursuance of authority 
conferred upon him by Nature's God and the Constitution of the United 
States ; therefore, 

Resolved, That in the exercise of this inviolable right and privilege, 
we are free to declare and proclaim that our preference for the Presi- 
dencj^ of this Union, at the ensuing election, is that of George Mifflin 
Dallas, of Pennsylvania ; because in him we recognize all those essen- 
tial qualifications which eminently entitle him to the highest honor in the 
gift of a Free People — that concentrate in a single individual every ele- 
ment of prosperity and happiness within his control to dispense to others, 
and a spotless integrity which no money can purchase, nor no captivating 
hypocrite can wheedle from the path of rectitude : in fact, that he pos- 
sesses every qualification to endear him to the people, and to ensure their 
confidence and support. 

Resolved, That whilst the patriotic soldiers and sailors of the nation 
have been achieving glorious victories in a foreign country, Mr. Dallas 
has confirmed an act in the Senate chamber — his casting vote on the 
Tariff bill of '46 — which has given a new and powerful impulse to all 
kinds of trade, and which will fill the pockets of the planters and farmers. 
and increase the demand for, and the pay of, the toiling millions, to an 
extent unknown before in the history of this Republic. 



(22) 

Moyamensing, Philadelphia Comity, Pa. 

At a meeting of the Democratic citizens of the District of Moyamen- 
sing, held on the 18th of November, 1847,' for the purpose of placing in 
nomination the People's Friend, George Miffi.in Dallas, for the Presi- 
dency in 1848, the following resolutions were passed: 

Resolved, That in George Mifflin Dallas, we recognize a man 
worthy of that high distinction, and would with all the gravity the occa- 
sion demands, present his name to our fellow-citizens of the Union, as a 
candidate for President of our country. 

Resolved, That in selecting his from those illustrious names that honor 
and are honored by the land, we have no sectional feelino-, we know no 
limits of State or Country, we cast disparagement upon none — but we 
love our country, and we know our man ; we know that threats cannot 
appal him ; nor great expecting hopes seduce him : 

That neither fear nor hope can shake the frame 
Of his resolv'd powers : — 

and with a single eye to his country's good, a mind to comprehend it, and 
strength of heart to pursue it he will in that high place advance the might, 
prosperity and glory of our Union, which, though not of a century's ex- 
istence, while it storms and subdues Mexico with one hand, feeds the op- 
pressed millions of Europe with the other — and thinks it little. 

Resolved, That we express our opinion in favor of George M. Dal- 
las, for President, subject to the decision of a National Convention. 



THE SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. 

The great speech of Mr. Dallas recently delivered m Pittsburgh, 
(which will be found in this pamphlet) as well as that more recently de- 
livered at Hollidaysburg, have been hailed with approval and satisfaction 
throughout the length and breadth of our land; and the press of the 
North, the South, the East and the West, point to him as the most suit- 
able person to lead the Democracy to victory in the coming campaign. 
With such a candidate there can be no such word as " fail." The fol- 
lowing are selected, from a large number of similar notices, as a speci- 
men of the spirit of the press : 

From the Camden [New Jersey) Democrat. 
The Presidency. — The Democracy of the Union will be called on ere 
lornr, to present to the people a candidate for the Presidency. The choice 
of a suitable nominee will necessarily rest with a Democratic National 
Convention ; but before that body convenes to select one from the several 
prominent Democrats now before the country for that distinguished and 
important post, it is the peculiar and appropriate privilege of every citizen 
to express a preference. We are prepared to do so, and present to the 
Democracy of New Jersey, and the Union, the Hon. George Mifflin 



(23) 

Dallas, of Pennsylvania— the present able Vice President of the United 
States — for President in 1848, and we now place his name at the head of 
our columns, yielding only to the decision of a Democratic National ( (in- 
vention. Fifteen months ago, in the State of Indiana, we uric the fin | 
to urge the claims of Mr. Dallas for the Presidency, rince which time we 
have seen nothing to alter our then high opinions; but, on the contrary, 
much to strenghen our favorable predilections ; and we feel convinced that 
the Democracy of New Jersey is second to none in undeviatino- devotion 
to that uncompromising statesman, who, in an hour of great responsibil- 
ity, manfully performed the sacred obligations of a high trust, and who, 
sooner than waive the duty which he owed to his party and country', 
would "prefer the deepest, obscurity of private life, with an unwounded 
conscience, to the glare of official eminence, spotted by a sense of moral 
delinquency." The political career of Mr. Dallas is without a 'blemish. 
No single act can be found wherein he has not carried out, to the very 
letter, the views and wishes of the Democratic party. Cradled in Demo- 
cracy, he now presents in full maturity, a noble specimen of the purity 
and integrity of correct principles, and an undeviating scrupulousness to 
the adherence of the rights and liberties of the laboring classes. His bold 
advocacy of all the leading topics of tho day, announced in language so 
clear, beautiful, and plain, afford a striking feature in his character 3 , and 
it has been very pertinently remarked, that no individual need be at a 
loss to know where Mr. Dallas can be found on any or all the great cmes- 
tions which now agitate the community. 

The country, at the present period, is the theatre of unexampled pros- 
perity. It has never been in so healthy a condition. The agricultural, 
manufacturing and commercial interests have thrived beyond the anticipa- 
tions of the most sanguine calculators ! and while we are uttering lauda- 
tions for this happy state of affairs — proclaiming joyful tidings of the suc- 
cess of Democratic measures, North, South, East and West, w^e must not 
lose sight of the fact, that to the '• casting vote" is to be attributed the 
crowning glory of so much contentment, happiness, and unparalleled en- 
terprise in our midst. That the mass of the people can forget the inesti- 
mable blessings which that " vote " has conferred is not to be indulged 
for a moment. It stands out too boldly before the American people, a 
sparkling jewel in the diadem of Democracy, and he who, with intrepid 
courage, and calm consciousness of purpose, decided the fate of the Tariff 
of '46, shines even more bright and conspicuous. Divested of all extrinsic 
merits, that "casting vote" will ever live, fresh and green, in the memo- 
ry of every citizen, which age cannot efface, nor time obliterate. 

The decided stand Mr. Dallas has always taken in defence of the Con- 
stitution of his country, irrevocably endears him to the people. With rev- 
erential dignity does he approach the discussion of that sacred and solemn 
compact, and with what scrupulous exactness does he defend its provi- 
sions against any and every encroachment. As a bold pioneer in the 
promulgation of Democraiic sentiments, Mr. Dallas evidently takes the 
lead. Being convinced he is right, he does not w r ait to see what course 
the body politic may pursue, but firmly and independently announces his 
views to the whole country, willing to stand or fall by the correct stan- 
dard of public opinion. The career which he marks out for himself, is 



( 24) 

M untcmitfingh) onward!" keeping pace with the age, enlarging the 
sphere of general benefits, and carrying out those measures tending to 
elevate the real Democracy of the country beyond their present condi- 
tion. With a standard bearer so devoted, so true, so pure, and so Demo- 
cratic, the party can rally with confident success of a Jacksonian victory 
in 1848. With a Democrat of such lofty sentiments and sound views, 
the Republican party will sweep the country, from one extremity to the 
other. 

Prom the West Ckester (Pa.) Je/ftrsonian. 

The Presidency. — Who is to be the next President of the United 
States ? This question is now agitating the public and the press of the 
two great parties of the Union. Since the October election, the Demo- 
cratic presses of this Commonwealth have taken sides with energy in 
favor of men most prominent in their respective estimation. 

The present worthy executive, James K. Polk, Martin Van Buren, 
Richard M. Johnson, James Buchanan, and Lewis Cass, have each their 
friends and advocates, and their names already float from the heads of 
Democratic journals. While we accord to each of these champions of 
Democracy, that honorable distinction they unquestionably merit, we can- 
not be unmindful of the fact, that in the hearts of the Democrats of this 
section, the hero of the " casting- vote" holds a prominent and abiding 
place. It is apparent to us, from the intercourse which our position 
favors, that he is destined to higher rewards. The casting vote of George 
M. Dallas, of itself, shows a discrimination and a firmness of purpose, 
deserving of the highest encomium from the American people. Cast, as 
it was, amid the threats of opponents, and the wavering of friends, it was 
worthy the "responsibility" of a Jackson. 

We are now reaping the. benefits of that vote, in agricultural, mechan- 
ical, manufacturing, and commercial prosperity, and it would be strange 
if a community reputed for its intelligence and generosity, could look 
calmly upon the result without experiencing a thrill of pleasure at the 
mention of him whose foresight and firmness have secured the national 
blessing. Federal denunciations and threats were loud and deep against 
him ; gloomy forebodings croaked from Federal lips, the prophecies 
were rife that that act would overwhelm him in the destruction and utter 
derangement of the great interests of the country, and bankrupt the Trea- 
sury. How triumphantly does he stand above his defilers, in the prosper- 
ity which abounds ; and though the war waged in Mexico draws largely 
upon the Treasury, its results to that branch appear flatteringly adequate, 
and conclusively prove the prophecies and fears of the Federalists to be 
puerile and groundless. 

But we have no desire at present to press a eulogy upon any particular 
act of the Vice President : his whole career stands too prominent before 
the people of the United States to justify the selection of a single act as 
the rallying point in his favor. Upon all the great political questions which 
agitate this country, he is open, free, and consistent with true Democra- 
tic faith : and we can say with entire confidence, that should he receive 
the nomination of the Democratic party, he would rally around him the 
united support of the Democracy of the Old Keystone, and of the Union. 



( 25 ) 



GREAT DALLAS MEETING IN PHILADELPHIA. 

An immense outpouring of the Friends and Neighbors of GEORGE 
MIFFLIN DALLAS, to present his name to the National Conven- 
tion of the Democracy of the Nation, as a candidate for President 
of the United States. 

The Democratic Citizens of the City and County of Philadelphia, favorable to 
the nomination of Mr. Dallas for the Presidency, assembled in Mass Meeting in 
the great Saloon of the Chinese Museum, which holds many thousand persons 
and which was filled to overflowing with staunch Democrats, on Wednesday, 
December 1, 1847. The "greatest enthusiasm existed amongst the vast assem- 
blage, and the most perfect propriety characterized the whole proceedings. This 
demonstration proves beyond all doubt that in Philadelphia Mr. Dallas has a 
fast hold upon the affections of the people. 

Hon. Robert M. Lee, Recorder of the City or Philadelphia, called the meeting 
to order, and nominated the following officers, who were unanimously chosen : 

PRESIDENT, 
HON. HENRY L, . B E N I* E R . 

Senator from the County of Philadelphia. 

VICE PRESIDENTS. 
First District. 
Thomas Graham, 
Richard Palmer, 
VV Sayre Heysham, 
James Enue, jr, 
Charles Murphy, 
John Thompson, 
Henry Hoover, 



Philip Eleman, 
Daniel Lnfferty, 
Thomas Manderfield, 
Petfr Logan, 
Banner Thomas, 
Jho Mt-Mahan, 
Thomas S Stewart, 
Jno S Thackara. 



Dennis Mealy, 
Thomas L Smith, 
Aid Jas W Fletcher, 
George Fite, 
Peter Lyons, 
Joseph L Smith, 
Win H Knowles, 



Robert Ewin<j, 
Horn RKneass, 
Francis Cooper, 
John Horn, 
Dr Win H Schmoele, 
Jas McCary, 
D C Skerrett, 
Michael Lawn, 
Win H Horstman. 



Second District. 
Jas McAnall, 
Saml H Perkins, 
Edward Hurst, 
John Hamilton, jr, 
J R Vogdes, 
Georjje Smith, 
Chas F Hyneman, 
Win Curren, 



Third District. 
Jno Miller, 7th Ward, N. L. 



L S Burkliart, 
Jno A Bender, 
J H Fisler, 
Geo W A<h, 
Philip Hoffman, 
Henry Simpson, 
Geo Runner, 



Gustavus Remak, 
Jno C Smith, 
Wm H Smith, 
Jas D Weiham, 
Win Bozorth, 
Jacob Kennard, 
D S Beideman, 

3 



E D Ingraham, 
John K Murphy, 
Francis Tiernan, 
John Birkey, 
J A Phillips, 
Jos Gatchel, jr, 
Robt F Christy, 
Joseph Snyder, 



Jas B Stevenson, 
Jno Murray, 
Wm Peirsol, 
Edmund Bradsbaw, 
Michael Lawrence, 
Thos M Richards, 
Paul S Brown, 
Wm Seybert. 



(26 ) 

Fourth District. 

Henry Leech, Philip M. Hagner, Pan! K. Hubbs, 

Michael Snyder, Benjamin Crispin, Dennis Lament, 

Hugh Clark, Jesse H. Flitcraft, Jno. Stallman 

Gourde W. Tryon, Athahasius Ford, John Foi.lkro, , 

Jno. Felton, Nicholas Brouse, Fred .er.ck Sorber, 

E. T. Tyson, William A. Lee, Philip Dully, 



Samuel Grice. 



SECRETARIES. 

First District. 



t i r\ 1 r„ r A A P Hesser, ' Win. M. Riley, 

John Oak ford, A. r. n. esse r, tr' u„ a 

Edward MGowen, Isaac P. Whetstone, T. W. Hughes, 

J. J. Walters. 

Second District. 

Joseph Severris, Jno F Read, Alex E Dougherty, 

Jno McKibbin, Chas N Robbins, Curt.s Grubb, Jr, 

Aaron Waters, Jno E Bauin. 

Third District. 
Franc's F Wolgamuth, Geo W Clark, B Franklin Jackson, 

GeoVonedia, Stewart Magee, Peter Baker, 

Geo W Dewey, John Hentz. 

Fourth District. 

T i n i Tno O'Brif-n. Thomas H Palmer, 

Joseph Deal, J now dmim, 

Wm Deal, Henry Mather, Geo Shetzlme, 

Jacob Collar, John Leech. 

The President upon taking the Chair, briefly and pertinently addressed the meet- 
ing upon the object for which it had assembled, which received and merited the 
hearty applause of the vast concourse who were present. 

Henkv A. Gilbea then came forward, and read the following resolut.ons, which 
were adopted with great acclamation arid immense cheering. 

Whereas, The Democracy of the United States of America is now, under 
Providence the strongest and safest guardian of the equal rights progressive im- 
providence, in « • d Lyate happiness of mankind, therefore be it 
'XXd' Tta ^hVX itutioS of our Country, ordained by our republican fa- 
thS Tn order to fo m a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
thers in order to « orm welfare, is as Faultless as human wisdom and virtue 

Snn^ be maintalned inthefUllin - 

Tl Zrtv are to shield from enc roachments, the reserved sovereignty of each 
State LdtS sovereign power of the people: to maintain inviolate the coi.8t.tu- 
State and the WW i vindicate the religious independence and 

tional and legal* qua ty of he pe e ^ safety, property, and pur- 

S Of h^TeoLf to Che" k and" frustrate every meditated departure from the 
ms n -tiP»l«t ons of the national compact: to repel every approach and erad.- 
catTeve "v « P . ti R e of aristocracy: to stand immovably by the Freedom o Speech 

£&&as?. -trat;s;ie^=^th: 23$ g/ss 

UP Resolved Ce That, under the auspices of the Democratic party, whose principles 
and designs we have sketched, ou! country has feecome prosperous, powerful and 
hanov In two wars, in spite of the cold-blooded « moral treason ' of F>de rahsm, 
SSSec tion.« sons 'redeemed her soil from the pollution of an enemy s ; oot and 
encircled her brows with an unfading chaplel of victory and honor. In peace, the 



( 27 ) 

genius of Abundance and the Divinity of Science, have walked hand in hand in 
our midst, diffusing comfort, contentment, intellectual culture and moral vigor. 
And though ihe storms of faction, inseparable concomitants of republican institu- 
tions,' have iiercely raged, they were always baffled by the Shergy, nr lulled by the 

truthful persuasions of Democracy. To this party then we owe our allegiance; 
and continuing mindful of its pure creed, its generous aims and its blessed results, 
we solemnly pledge to it our undivided affections, and unswerving fidelity. 

Resolved, That we place the tartti" of 1846 in the foremost rank of great prac- 
tical reforms achieved by the American Democracy, founded on the unchangeable 
principles of justice, equality, philanthropy and trnih, its trial has been instant 
triumph. Like the rising sun, it has suddenly dispelled the mists of a protracted 
night ; nor is it possible now by any re-gathering of the clouds of dark and explored 
fallacies, to overcast " the casting vote." 

Resolved, That we heartily congratulate the venerable Sage of Lindeuwald upon 
the reesrablishment and salutary operation of the great measure by which he marked 
his adherence to the policy of Andrew Jackson; a policy which relieved the po- 
litical and financial movements of the American people and their government from 
the incubus and corruption of a sordid oligarchy ; which, under the calm, easy and 
conservative workings of the Constitutional Treasury, has given solidity to our cur- 
rency, exalted our National credit, repressed the fluctuations of our exchanges, and 
sheltered our mercantile brethren from the countless explosions of bankruptcy, now 
shaking, as by a series of earthquakes, the whole banking and paper fabric of Euro- 
pean commerce. 

Resolved, That, as the so-called Mexican republic, urged on by the rash vain- 
glory and reckless cupidity of her military chieftains, after long despoiling our 
trade, insolently treating our flag, scornfully rejecting our ministers and agents, 
imprisoning and butchering our citizens, and faithlessly violating treaties, has at 
last forced us into war by officially threatening to invade and then actually invading 
one of these States, by slaying our soldiers and attempting to surround, capture and 
destroy an American army, stationed on American soil. A war thus unjustly 
and violently imposed upon us, we are neither the dastards to shrink from, nor 
the traitors to discourage; but with a full reliance on the justice of our cause, 
and the tried valor of our troops, we exhort onr government to persevere in its 
active and energetic prosecution, until this self-created enemy shall sue for peace 
on whatever terms we may please to dictate, or until the conquest of her entire ter- 
ritory shall put an end to a nationality so shamefully abused and ignobly forfeited. 
Resolved, That the people of the United Skates have, in the judgment of this 
meeting, Suffered too long and too much under the irresponsible tyranny and de- 
moralizing influences of incorporated combinations, whose charters are construed 
into partial grants of sovereign powers, and are held to vest i-reclaimable rights; 
that such combinations are hostile to progressive republicanism, tending to con- 
centrate dangerously the coercive faculties of capital, to sap the freedom of intel- 
ligent opinion, and to produce practical subserviency and dependence. 

Resolved, That in order to keep each generation of American citizens up to the 
standard and the exigencies of their political institutions, too much attention cannot 
be bestowed on the subject of Education; that to cultivate the mind and en- 
lighten the conscience, are essential to the public functions and social morals of a 
people, from the hollows of whose hands flow all the streams of government and 
power, and that to attain these vital objects, such changes should be voluntarily and 
gradually effected in the hours of actual labor, as mav secure to the toiling and un- 
tiring millions the moments necessary for intellectual improvement, religions 
study, and all the varied and sacred obligations of domestic duty. 

And whereas, the recent political events in Pennsylvania have rendered her and 
her citizens objects of ihe special attention of the rest of the States ; hence it is in- 
cumbent upon us to look to the importance of our position, and wisely determine 
the most substantial policy essential to the permanancv of the great principles we 
hava set forth, of which our Commonwealth has proved herself the zea'nus and 
successful champion. 

And whereas, her leading sons have also become th=> landmarks of the times, en- 
deared to the people by a uniform and consistent allegiance to truth, self, becoming a 
cheerful sacrifice in behalf of the country and her institutions. Therefore be it further 



(28) 

Resolved, That Pennsylvania, in the last October election Las not only more 
than sustained her well established reputation for faithful adh» rence to Democratic 
principles, but has proved her title to the abiding confidence of the Nation. 

Resolved, That the integrity of the State administration, and its scrupulous devo- 
tion to the cardinal doctrines of Democracy, elicited the late overwhelming appro- 
bation of our citizens, in vindication of the character and course of Governor 
Shunk, and of the General Administration, from the treasonable assaults of the 
Federal press,. 

Resolved, That as the Hon. G. M. Dallas, in the Senate, fearlessly threw him- 
self into the breach, and saved the vital policy of the Union from the greedy rapa- 
city of the money-monger, so the vetoes of Gov. Shunk rescued the State Irom the 
destructive clutch of incorporated monopolies, and our people have adopted the 
Casting Vote and Vetoes as their lights and landmarks, under whose genial and 
inspiring influence thev sent up the shout of triumph. 

Resolved, That Viee'President Dallas, by his uniform and consistent democracy, 
by the sterling virtues which he inherited from his distinguished father, by his bold 
and determined defence of the fundamental truths we all profess, has rendered 
himself the favorite of his native State, and we look upon him as the prominent 
standard bearer of the great principles of progressive Democracy; as the represen- 
tative of the whole Union, he has proved a most able and resolute Statesman, 
and worthy of the trust of our party in its darkest hour of need ; and as his disin- 
terested, self-sacrificing devotion to truth, and to the great interest or the Ameri- 
can Republic, has rendered him an object for the attacks of the corrupt vampires 
of Federali»m, it becomes our duty, in accordance with the spirit of the preceding 
resolution, to present for the consideration of the Democracy of these United Slates, 
the name of GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS, as a candidate for the highest office 
in their gift, and to suggest an immediate and thorough organization in each of the 
States. . , . 

Resolved, That in thus manifesting our preference for one of our distinguished 
fellow-citizens, we desire distinctly to disclaim any want of respect and attachment 
for others devoted to the great cause of Democracy, to which he has given his 
whole life. We know it to be in strict harmony with the feelings and principles.pt 
our adopted champion to cultivate by a sacrifice ( of every personal and minor con- 
sideration a cordial union in maintenance of the great popular cause of American 
Institutions. _ 

Resolved, That we are in favor of adhering to the established usage of a Demo- 
cratic National Convention in May, 1848, and that while we entertain the hope that 
our favorite fellow-citizen may receive its nomination, we will cheerfully abide 
any result of its proceedings, and will give our hearty support to the candidates 
regularly nominated by that body. 

E. B. Schnabel being loudly called for made his appearance upon the stage, 
when he was most cordially received. His speech was well limed and to the 
point; he spoke with more feeling and eloquence than upon any former occasion. 

He was followed by E. A. Penniman, who addressed the meeting with great 
power and energy; he was listened to with marked attention. 

B. Champneys, Attorney General of the State, being loudly called for, responded 
to it in a speech of great force, beauty, and sound political principles. 

Gustavus Remak, a sound German Democrat, spoke with more than his usual 
eloquence, and urged upon all to exert themselves to secure the nomination of our 
distinguished citizen. 

Horn R. Kneass made a most admirable speech, and fully maintained his repu- 
tation as a speaker and a sound Democrat. 

W. D. Barnes closed the speaking and was listened to with pleasure by all. 
Letters were read from Adj. Gen. Geo. W. Bowman, Gen. John H. Hobart, Hon. 
Geo. R. McFarlane, Samuel H. Tate, Esq., Jesse W. Griffiths, Esq., and other 
distinguished citizens of the State, heartily approving the movement, and regretting 
their inability to attend the meeting. 

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